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Insecurity, fraud undermine upcoming #Afghan elections

Elections in Afghanistan are vital for the war-torn country to continue the democratic process that started after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001, but most people in the country show little interest in elections.

Afghanistan's parliamentary and district council elections are scheduled for October 20 of this year, but attacks by militant Islamists have already raised concerns whether the elections will be held on time.

Taliban and "Islamic State" (IS) continue to target voter registration centers in different parts of the strife-torn country. An IS-claimed attack at a voters' office in Kabul last month killed 57 people, including women and children, underlining the fact that the participation in the election process comes with a huge risk for the Afghan people.

But a lack of security is not the only reason behind people's reluctance to participate enthusiastically in the election process; the voting procedure, marred with fraud and irregularities, has left many people pessimistic about the entire system.

Lack of interest in elections

Political commentators say that many Afghans have little faith in the election process.

"Afghanistan's Independent Election Commission (IEC) has the responsibility to restore trust among the Afghan people in the electoral procedure, but it has so far failed to do so," Fazal Ahmad Manawi, former head of the IEC, told DW.

The IEC launched a campaign in April to register at least 14 million voters before the October polls, but so far only 4 million have registered.

Manawi said that even the 4-million figure was exaggerated and that he doubted its accuracy.

"We know that fewer people actually registered," Manawi said.

The current state of the Afghan parliament is also a reason why many Afghans are not interested in the election process, say experts. Human rights activists accuse Afghan lawmakers of nepotism, corruption and even crimes like smuggling. People fear the next parliament will be no different.

"Candidates who use illegal money to contest and win elections won't care much about the voters. They will only be interested in getting their money back once they get elected," Naim Ayobzada, head of the Transparent Election Foundation of Afghanistan NGO, told DW.

The only way forward

Despite electoral frauds and Afghans' lack of interest in the October polls, many believe that elections are the only way forward for a country struggling to get on its feet. The continuation of democratic process could be the only option for Afghans to make their voices heard and defeat unlawful forces, including militants, analysts say.

A good omen is that a number of educated young candidates are also running for parliament and district councils. This gives hope that Afghanistan could see better governance in the years to come should the democratic process continues.

Obiadullah Azizi, a candidate for a district council in Balkh province, hopes the participation of youth in the election could turn things around for his country.

"People must vote for young, educated and committed candidates who I believe will represent them best," he told DW.

Tariq Iqtedari of the Generation Positive organization has launched a social media campaign to urge voters to cast their ballot wisely.

"We should not make any mistake. Those who buy votes will definitely compromise on our national interests," the organization said in a Facebook video message.

#Pakistan - Political Immaturity

Amidst suggesting a caretaker Chief Minister and then taking the recommendation back almost immediately, Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaaf (PTI) has certainly been active in its demands for the care-taker government. It has now followed with further demands for the caretaker Prime Minister, Nasir-ul-Haq, to remover certain appointments the party is not happy with, particularly that of Ali Jahangir Siddique, Pakistan’s ambassador to the United States.

The complaint came in the form of a letter, penned by PTI’s spokesperson Fawad Chaudhary, which said that Siddiqui is “facing NAB cases” and to make him an ambassador is equivalent to the “murder of national interest. Chaudhary today demanded that Siddiqui’s appointment be declared void and that a “competent and seasoned” person be chosen to replace him.

It is true that Siddique’s appointment has been controversial since the start, considering the fact that he was relatively young and inexperienced for the job, and there were suspicions that Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi’s past affiliations with him may have resulted in the appointment. Chaudhry’s accusation that Siddique is being investigated by NAB is true, however, the weight of this is uncertain considering the national debate that NAB has been overstepping its bounds.

Even if all the allegations against Siddique are true, to expect the caretaker PM to take such an actively political step is highly irresponsible of PTI and reveals the party’s political immaturity. Such a demand is clearly out of the mandate of a caretaker PM. Siddique has been appointed by an elected government and should be removed from his position by next elected if required. Removal of the envoy will only serve to propagate the PTI view ahead of the elections. Such decisions should be left to the incoming government. The current Caretaker PM should focus on running the executive and holding an unbiased election.

#Pakistan - #FATA in the interim

The FATA-Khyber Pakhtunkhwa merger is a done deal. And this is a good thing. The process of transition is to be completed within two years. Yet the journey from starting point to final destination has already got off to a rocky beginning.

The President still has to sign off on official paperwork; meaning the 31st Constitutional Amendment. This is no biggie given that this piece of legislation had to first go before Parliament, which it duly did on Sunday. Both Upper and Lower houses as well as the KP assembly gave their due stamps of approval. Moreover, it makes sense to first ink the FATA Interim Governance Regulation, 2018 — a set of provisional rules with which to govern the tribal areas during the adjustment period.

The big takeaway from this is the repealing of Frontier Crimes Regulation (FRC); that draconian colonial overhang that is responsible for trampling on the fundamental rights as well as aspirations of the tribal people. Something that it has taken the Pakistani state more than seven decades to undo.

Except that the new interim Regulation appears to have done this in name only. The ‘promotion’ of the Political Agent to Deputy Commissioner is highly problematic given the powers that come with it. These include having the authority to fine entire communities if there “appears good reason to believe” that residents of a particular village have abetted a crime, failed to arrest those involved or suppressed evidence. Then there is the question of the Council of Elders which will hear all criminal cases. This is a jirga by another name and the Deputy Commissioner enjoys the freedom to appoint its members. The most worrying part of all is how the new Regulation provides that no civil court has the jurisdiction to challenge anything in the tribal areas. Thus what happens in FATA stays in FATA; quite literally.

All of which raises important questions.

The most crucial being: why did the FATA Interim Governance Regulation, 2018 not go to Parliament? This is a legitimate query.

We understand that there was no malevolent intent on the part of the outgoing government. That being said, this will cause problems for the new set-up. For now that the KP and Sindh assemblies are already dissolved — and with Balochistan and the Punjab completing their respective tenures tomorrow — the people of FATA and KP will likely have to wait until the next Parliament to receive clarity on several points. These include the possibility of introducing a sunset clause to the Regulation as well as resolving once and for all the issue of civilian court jurisdiction.

Yet as things currently stand, the incumbent regime has effectively thrown out the baby with the bathwater. That is, in its rush to put the merger on the books — so as to avert any future stalling on this front when new assemblies are elected — it has bypassed the elected representatives of the tribal people. This “Doctrine of Necessity” is a serious misstep. Indeed, it strengthens the hands of political players such as Maulana Fazlur Rehman. The latter has never been backwards in coming forwards regarding his staunch opposition to the merger on the grounds that only a separate province would afford the people of FATA true self-determination.

Sadly, the tribal people of Pakistan will have to wait until a new set-up in KP is elected to decide just how much better off they will be. In the interim.

Pakistan’s censorship model An image- and identity-obsessed country

Madiha Afzal

On May 12, Dawn, Pakistan’s oldest and most prestigious English daily, published
an interview with former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, in which Sharif uttered four relatively oblique sentences: “Militant organizations are active. Call them non-state actors, should we allow them to cross the border and kill 150 people in Mumbai? Explain it to me. Why can’t we complete the trial?” He was referring, ostensibly, to Lashkar-e-Taiba’s involvement in the 2008 Mumbai attack. Lashkar and its leader, Hafiz Saeed, have not been held accountable, and the trial has stalled in an anti-terrorism court in Pakistan.

The alleged connections between Pakistan’s intelligence agencies and militant non-state actors that target India such as the Lashkar-e-Taiba are well known outside Pakistan, but less understood within the country—deliberately so, since this serves to maintain the perception of the army’s moral supremacy.

Sharif’s interview created an instant furor in Pakistan. Many Pakistanis are skeptical of his motives as he fights for his political survival after being disqualified as prime minister by the Supreme Court last year on corruption-related charges. Sharif says the charges against him are politically motivated, and suggests they were pursued by a military that disliked his independence. He is punching back whenever he can.

BLOCKING COVERAGE OF NON-STATE MILITANTS

After the Dawn interview was published, the Pakistan Press Council served the newspaper’s editor with a notice that it breached the council’s code of conduct by publishing content that “may bring into contempt Pakistan or its people or tends to undermine its sovereignty or integrity as an independent country.” Distribution of the newspaper was subsequently blocked in parts of the country.

No one doubts the military’s involvement in this censorship. It is the latest example of a steadily accumulating set of suppressive measures it seems to be taking against the media in recent months, to various ends: to control its own narrative and maintain its hold on the country, to control Pakistan’s global image, to weaken Sharif, and to try to meddle in the upcoming general election this July.

Both Pakistan’s military and its civilian government want to project the image of a country that has successfully tackled its security issues. The military has given tours of a cleaned-up Waziristan, which had been off-limits to the media during the army operation against the Pakistan Taliban in that area. Its ministers and ambassadors give a standard spiel abroad that touts Pakistan’s successes against domestic terrorism and the Pakistan Taliban—especially in the wake of criticism from the Trump administration—deflecting away from connections with the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Afghan Taliban. It is true that the number of terrorist attacks in Pakistan has decreased drastically in recent years, as have deaths as a result of violence. But terrorism continues at a lower tick, and extremism thrives, as attested to by the street power of the fundamentalist group Tehreek-e-Labaik, whose signature concern is the preservation of Pakistan’s regressive blasphemy laws.

BLOCKING COVERAGE OF AN ETHNIC RIGHTS MOVEMENT

But groups like that don’t bother the military (it refused to take physical action against Tehreek-e-Labaik protesters in December 2017, and handed out money to them when the protest disbanded). The biggest thorn in the military’s side right now, other than Sharif, is the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (or PTM; Tahaffuz means protection). The movement alleges widespread human rights abuses by the military, including forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, during the army operations against the Pakistan Taliban in the country’s northwest in the last decade. It has led fiery rallies across the country and in Pakistan’s urban centers, with a charismatic 24 year-old, Manzoor Pashteen, at the helm.

Coverage of the movement is all but blacked out in the Pakistani media. That is not surprising, since they make some quite shocking claims: that the military is connected to the (Pakistan) Taliban—even going further and saying they are one and the same—and that under cover of the military operation, the military shuffled the Taliban to Afghanistan.

I had heard this exact narrative and rhetoric from a group of Pashtun students at a university in Lahore three years ago, in 2015, while I was conducting focus group interviews for my book. My discussion with these students had lasted for hours—and I came away surprised and with a deeper understanding of Pakistan itself. My interviewees were intensely critical of the army and angry over what Pakistan’s northwest and tribal areas were going through. They questioned Pakistan’s religious ideology, something I had not heard much of elsewhere. They noted that their views would have them branded as traitors. But their most stunning remarks came when I asked them who was conducting terrorism in Pakistan. They linked the army to the attack that killed more than 130 schoolchildren at the Peshawar Army Public School in December 2014. They were skeptical of the Zarb-e-Azb military operation, arguing that the media blackout was covering up collusion with the Taliban.

In my book, I noted that these students’ nonconformist views on the Pakistan narrative were refreshing to hear; but on the connections between the army and the Pakistan Taliban—which had attacked so much of the army itself—they seemed conspiratorial. Nevertheless, it was a significant perspective that I hadn’t heard before, and I only heard it again when the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement went mainstream this year.  

Because the state has banned coverage of the movement, most Pakistanis don’t know about, or understand, the grievances of other ethnicities against the state—similar to a media blackout of the insurgency in the restive province of Baluchistan. Prominent op-ed writers, for the first time in many years of writing for the same newspapers, have seen their columns on the PTM pulled; in turn, their write-ups about crackdowns on media freedom are also being censored. This means that a proper, national conversation cannot be had about these issues. The movement is being discussed on social media, where you see two echo chambers: those against the movement, and those supportive of it. In the absence of open coverage, there is no political discussion about the military’s alleged abuses—nor questions raised by PTM enthusiasts about what the movement gets wrong about the army’s connections to the Pakistan Taliban versus the Afghan Taliban, or where its rhetoric peddles in conspiracies. Nor, in this blackout, can Pakistanis understand how many terrorists were actually in the mix in the cleanup undertaken by the Pakistani state in the tribal areas. The PTM demands a truth and reconciliation commission. The state owes it that, but before that, it owes the movement, and all Pakistanis, an open national conversation.

CENSORED—TO WHAT END?

Pakistan’s military believes it can clamp down on dissent via censorship—and continue to control the image and identity of the country as it has defined it, as an Islamic state under threat from India. Ethnic grievances and military abuses brought to light by the PTM, and Sharif’s discussion of non-state actors targeting India (thus implicating Pakistan in aggression against India), threaten the state-cultivated image of the country and sully the military. So, it keeps them under wraps.

The military’s censorship is selective—not blanket, à la Erdoğan in Turkey—which gives it plausible deniability. While coverage of the PTM is blacked out, its rallies have been allowed to continue. Not all journalists and bloggers critical of the military are disappeared or threatened—but some are, enough to have a chilling effect and to lead to self-censorship. Television channels critical of the military are taken off air, or given a lower rung on the lineup.

To what end? Given the existence of social media, the military only comes in for more criticism internationally. But in the country, it succeeds in controlling its image. And so it continues. Yet it has chilled the national debate and discussion, and only alienated those already marginalized. Pakistan needs only to look to 1971, when its eastern half seceded to form Bangladesh, to see the potentially disastrous effects of such ethnic and political alienation. The right approach to its own citizens and to criticism is clear: engagement, not censorship.

https://www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2018/05/30/pakistans-censorship-model/

Bilawal Bhutto to contest 2018 general elections from Larkana

Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) chairman Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has announced to contest forthcoming general elections from NA-200, Larkana constituency.

Announcing his decision following a meeting of the party’s parliamentary board at Bilawal House on Thursday, Bilawal said Larkana had elected Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto with overwhelming majority in every election they contested.

He said that election 2018 was a huge test for, what he called, jiyalas and democratic workers. He urged the supporters to gear up their preparation to ensure victory of the candidates across the country.

Earlier on Thursday, the board conducted last round of interviews from candidacy aspirants for eight seats of the national and 17 of the provincial assembly from the division.

Interviews from candidates from five divisions of the province were completed on Wednesday.

Other members of the board present during the interviews included President PPP Women Wing Faryal Talpur, Senator Sherry Rehman, Syed Qaim Ali Shah, Syed Khursheed Shah, Murad Ali Shah, Naveed Qamar, Nisar Ahmed Khuhro, Waqar Mehdi and Shagufta Jumani.

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Perspective: Persecution of Ahmadi Muslims -- a problem in the DNA of #Pakistani society

By Imad Zafar 

It is the height of hypocrisy that Pakistani society always demands and protests for the rights of minorities in India, Israel, Myanmar and other countries while in our country, we oppress minorities in each and every possible way.

Life for Ahmadis has never been easy in Pakistan. They live in a state of fear of being accused of blasphemy all the time. In a recent development, a 100-year-old mosque of the Ahmadi sect was destroyed by an angry mob in the town of Sialkot.

The city administration, trying to cover up the matter, stated that the mosque had failed to obtain a written approval from the authorities for renovation, thus it was decided to destroy the section of the building that had been recently renovated. However, contrary to those claims, the Ahmadiyya Jamaat presented a copy of a No Objection Certificate (NOC) stating that the mosque had obtained permission to be renovated.

In any case, the argument from the government officials seems very vague and unacceptable, as by no means does the law allow the authorities to accept help from a mob of religious fanatics to demolish any illegal construction.

While many Sunni mosques are built on illegal land acquired or renovated and expanded against regulations without any NOC for adding additional floors, they are never abolished or sent any notice from the authorities.

The media, as usual, did not cover the Sialkot story properly, nor was an investigation into the matter launched by higher government authorities.

It is not the first such incident. Three years back a chipboard factory owned by an Ahmadi was burned down on allegations of blasphemy in the city of Jhelum, and there are many incidents where the Ahmadi community is being targeted or persecuted.

It is the height of hypocrisy that Pakistani society always demands and protests for the rights of minorities in India, Israel, Myanmar and other countries while in our country, we oppress minorities in each and every possible way.

A few decades ago when Hindu extremists destroyed the Babri Mosque in India, protests erupted across Pakistan, and people in Pakistan still accuse India of marginalizing its Muslim minority and deliberately destroying their historic mosques. Yet the demolition of a historic Ahmadi place of worship in Sialkot is justified for the majority of the population in Pakistan.

This double standard and hate toward Ahmadis and other communities is proof that as a society we Pakistanis have a genetic disorder of hating others on the basis of belief, and this genetic disorder is being created by ourselves. Even the children in many families in Pakistan are taught to hate Ahmadis and do not form relationships with or trust them, as Ahmadis are deemed a threat to the religious mainstream.

One wonders why 96% of the population is afraid of only 1% of the population and conceive them as a threat.

Life for Ahmadis in Pakistan is all about somehow surviving the wrath of the majority of the population. They are treated as third-rate citizens and hated for their religious beliefs.

Such is the level of hatred that shops in major markets across the country carry a poster on the entrance door that Ahmadis are not allowed, or we do not do business with Ahmadis. Religious clerics freely declare Ahmadis to be a threat to the Sunni-dominated population and beliefs, and this creates a hostile atmosphere for Ahmadis where they even hide their identities in order to be saved from the fanatics.

For the state, the persecution and marginalization of Ahmadis never matter, as Ahmadis only constitute around 1% of the total population. So political parties, in order not to lose religious and popular votes, never intervene or take steps to save the community from exploitation at the hands of Sunni clerics and the Sunni population.

The problem is getting worse as general elections are approaching and every single political party in order to attract voters in some way endorses the hatred against this community. Unfortunately, intellectuals and journalists, who play a vital role in bringing positive changes to the social fabric of any society, are either reluctant to speak up or are under the influence of their set religious belief systems, so they choose to remain silent or they write and talk about usurping all the rights of Ahmadis. It gives them the approval and ratings from the general population.

The Ahmadi problem is not even considered a problem and generally, it is considered that if Ahmadis declared themselves as Muslims they would be spared and no one would target them or try to marginalize them.

According to the constitution of Pakistan, Ahmadis are declared non-Muslims, but Ahmadis call themselves Muslims. The law that was passed by Zulfiqar Bhutto to appease the religious clerics in order to save his government has been haunting Ahmadis for the last four decades, and there is nowhere to hide or run.

With almost every Sunni and Shiite Muslim brought up with the belief that Ahmadis are blasphemers and use the name of Islam to exploit religion, there is very little hope that the problem of the Ahmadis will be addressed in near future. In fact, if someone tries to take steps to provide a little relief he is deemed a blasphemer as well.

The tragedy is that Ahmadis persecution and marginalization is not even considered a serious issue. While the media and state choose to remain silent, the Ahmadis are left to the mercy of religious clerics and their millions of blind followers. The state, by declaring Ahmadis non-Muslims in 1974, laid the foundation for their massacre and exploitation, as this step by the state vindicated the stance of fanatics that Ahmadis were blasphemous, and the rest of the population created a narrative that has resulted in Ahmadis being the most vulnerable community.

Until the state denounces the policy of hatred and extremism and stops intervening in the personal faith and beliefs of its citizens, there is no hope that Ahmadis will be even considered human in this society. For now, life for the 5 million Ahmadis in Pakistan is all about somehow surviving the wrath of the majority of the population.

The persecution and marginalization of the Ahmadi community is actually a crime by both society and the state. It seems we as a society need DNA surgery in order to get rid of the hatred and extremism in our genes toward the faith and beliefs of others.

BANNED TERRORIST OUTFITS TARGETING MINORITIES IN PAKISTAN: US REPORT

Banned terrorist outfits are targeting minorities in Pakistan, revealed the annual report of the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).

“In 2017, religious minorities in Pakistan, including Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Ahmadis…continued to face attacks and discrimination from extremist groups and society at large,” the report states, adding that as many as 231 people were killed and 691 injured in such incidents in Pakistan last year.

The report states that the government of Pakistan “failed to protect these groups adequately, and it perpetrated systematic, ongoing, egregious religious freedom violations.”
It was noted that forced conversions of non-Muslims continued despite the passage of the Hindu Marriage Act, which grants greater rights in family law for Hindu citizens.

“The entry of fundamentalist and often extremist, religious parties into the political arena in advance of July 2018 national elections further threatens religious minorities’ already precarious status in the country,” it adds.
In December 2017, the State Department named Pakistan as the first, and only country on its “Special Watch List,” a new category created by December 2016 amendments to IRFA.

http://www.shiitenews.org/index.php/pakistan/item/34650-banned-terrorist-outfits-targeting-minorities-in-pakistan-us-report

#Pakistan - Missing Salmaan Taseer

Had he lived, Salmaan Taseer would today be celebrating his 74th birthday. It is important to remember him on this occasion. Not simply due to his connection to this newspaper. But because of his relentless struggle for democracy, civic freedoms and minority rights.

Taseer’s bold stance and ultimate sacrifice remain a benchmark for the human rights movement in Pakistan. Whenever there is a call to protect the weak or to speak up against injustice, his name will be remembered.

Here in 2018, Pakistan has more reason to miss him than ever. The country has not just seen a resurgence of the religious right. It has witnessed a state apparatus capitulating to those who want nothing more than to sow the seeds of religious disharmony.

The rise of the Tehreek-e-Labaik Pakistan (TLP)’s political clout over the last year is cause for grave concern. Not least because the party termed the execution of Mumtaz Qadri “unjustifiable”. This, despite him having assassinated Taseer in cold blood over the latter’s efforts to have the country’s draconian blasphemy laws reviewed and amended. At the time of his murder, Taseer was no ordinary man. He was the governor of the Punjab. That Pakistan did not wake up to this threat back then was a case of wilful myopia.

Which leads us to where we are presently. Another assassination attempt; this time against Ahsan Iqbal, the outgoing man at the Interior. And although the TLP denied links to the gunman — the latter had been, by his own admission, incited by party chief Khadim Rizvi to do the unthinkable. Namely, shoot a federal minister on the basis of mere hearsay and false impression partly created by the media. All because of what may have been a minor change in the oath taken by the parliamentarians to affirm Khatm-e-Nabuwwat (finality of the Prophethood [PBUH]).

The outgoing PMLN government came under fire for tampering with a tenet of Muslim faith. In reality, this was nothing more than fake news. As fake, in fact, as aspersions levelled by sections of the fourth estate against the late Governor Taseer. The TLP movement has brought with it Ahmadi suffering. State institutions that are tasked with upholding the constitutional provision requiring the equal treatment of all citizens before the law now call for a declaration of faith to be made mandatory for anyone wishing to hold public office. As if it were not enough that the issuance of CNICs and the documents of citizenship are dependent upon denouncing another’s faith. And from there we arrive where we are now. The destruction earlier this month of an historic, century-old, place of worship in Sialkot by those who believe in anything but religious pluralism.

So, yes. Pakistan has every reason to miss Salmaan Taseer. For without him, the country is hurtling along a theocratic path not of its own choosing. But it will be of its own making as long as those parties that preach violent bigotry are allowed to go ballot-boxing. And so, we hope that the PPP will not give up the mission for which Taseer sacrificed his life. Recently, its leadership paid respects to a hate-preaching cleric in Sindh province. A party that has lost leaders due to bigotry must not fall into the trap of short- term gains by allying with dubious religious characters. This is the least it should do if it wants to respect the legacy of the long list of its own martyrs, including: Benazir Bhutto, Salmaan Taseer and Shahbaz Bhatti, among others.

Happy Birthday, Salmaan Sahib. Your compassion must be kept alive for the good of us all.

World Justice Project report: Singapore most, Pakistan least peaceful Asian state

According to a World Justice Project report, people in Singapore feel the safest, while people in Pakistan feel the least secure.

The report measured the prevalence of common crimes in 113 countries, including homicides, kidnappings, burglaries, thefts, armed robberies and extortions, as well as people’s perceptions of safety. Japan was the second safest in Asia and eighth in the world, while South Korea ranked third in the region and 22nd in the world. Despite the tension with North Korea, people in the South perceived their country as free from intimidation, mob violence and serious incidents of crime and terrorism. Here are the names of prominent countries with their ranking: Singapore 1, Japan 8, South Korea 22, China 28, Mongolia 39, Malaysia 41, Vietnam 42, Indonesia 49, Nepal 57, Sri Lanka 59, Myanmar 64, Thailand 69, Cambodia 81, India 98, Bangladesh 102, Philippines 107, Pakistan 113.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/323323-world-justice-project-report

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Afghanistan-Pakistan Action Plan For Peace And Solidarity (APAPPS): What’s In It For CPEC? – OpEd

By Qura tul ain Hafeez

China intends to extend the CPEC into Afghanistan which is a positive move towards regional economic integration. So, it has played a vital role in bringing the two countries on table.

Pakistan recently had its fourth meeting of Afghanistan-Pakistan Action Plan for Peace and Solidarity (APAPPS) on May 14, 2018, which can further pave the bilateral relations among the two neighbors – Pakistan and Afghanistan, thus eventually materializing the CPEC to extend towards Afghanistan. The two sides showed their interest to promote pace and solidarity among six different areas mutually beneficial for them.

These areas include commitments including: Pakistan’s support for Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace and reconciliation; to undertake effective actions against fugitives and the irreconcilable elements posing security threats to either of the two countries; deny use of their respective territory by any country, network, group or individuals for anti-state activities against either country, to put in place a joint supervision, coordination and confirmation mechanism; avoid territorial and aerial violations of each other’s territory; no public blame game, instead APAPPS cooperation mechanisms would be utilized to respond to mutual issues of contention and concerns and working groups and necessary cooperation mechanism would be set up as per APAPPS. Upon successful implementation of this joint action plan the two countries will meet the common objectives of eliminating terrorism and achieving peace, stability, prosperity and development of the people of the two countries.

Continuing to achieve the peace and solidarity will help improve the economic relation between Afghanistan and Pakistan. As the political constraints and terrorism, extremism, and separatism are the major contributing factors behind the poor economic and trade relation between Afghanistan and Pakistan. At present, for Pakistan, CPEC is the window for economic development. However this window of opportunity faces severe security challenges. In this regard, the APAPPS will be instrumental in improving the security situation in Pakistan specifically in terms of curbing terrorism. Once these security challenges will be addressed the possibility of extending CPEC to Afghanistan will be even more likely.

Moreover, China has been quite helpful in promoting these peace talks between Pakistan- and Afghanistan. This will provide not only a smooth regional connectivity to CPEC but a broader perspective for OBOR initiative. With the extension of CPEC into Afghanistan, the country can become a major beneficiary of this project because in near future the corridor will add to the economic development of this fragile country-Afghanistan, by enhancing economic activities in the area which can put the flimsy economy of Afghanistan on a sound footing, eventually securing and bringing peace to the westward borders of Pakistan.

There are several connectivity projects that Pakistan, China and Afghanistan can undertake if become partners under the CPEC. The significant road projects that may be incorporated in the economic connectivity to Afghanistan envisages 265 km Peshawar to Kabul motorway and the road link connecting western alignment of CPEC to Afghanistan by linking Chaman to Kandahar, Mazar-i-Sharif to Termez near the border of Central Asian countries. This passage will offer an effortless and short access to Afghanistan in order to connect to the sea port of Gwadar (which is almost 600 kilometres shorter than the presently existing transit route being used by the traders and people of Afghanistan). This connection will integrate Afghanistan with other regions and also allow it to start commercial activities through the Indian Ocean.

Consequently the Chinese efforts for APAPPS will bring Kabul and Islamabad much closer, which is the need of the hour. This will also address Chinese fears about the spread of Islamist militancy from Pakistan and Afghanistan to the unrest-prone far western Chinese region of Xinjiang. This is not the first time that China is paying a role of mediator in solving the conflict of interest and grievances between the parties involved in CPEC. Previously China has played a vital role in bringing the Baloch tribes on the table to discuss the matters related to CPEC. So, the APAPPS will provide a forum to enhance connectivity and cooperation through CPEC projects with neighboring countries, including Afghanistan, Iran and with Central and West Asian states.

#Pakistan - Sikh rights activist gunned down in Peshawar

A renowned Sikh religious leader and rights activist was gunned down on the outskirts of Peshawar on Tuesday.

52-year-old Charnjit Singh was gunned down inside his shop in Scheme Chowk area.

“An attacker shot Singh inside his shop and escaped afterwards,” superintendent police Saddar Shaukat Khan told The Express Tribune. “He died on the spot.” It was not clear whether it was a target killing incident or a result of personal enmity.

The deceased had been residing in Peshawar for decades but his family hailed from Kurram Agency. He owned a store in the metropolis for quite a long time.

The murder caused panic among the community as several Sikhs have been killed in different parts of the city in the past.

Most of the Sikhs residing in Peshawar are those whose families previously resided in different parts of Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) but shifted to Peshawar and started a business.

Most of the Sikh community resides in Mohalla Jogan Shah where the old temple is located.

https://tribune.com.pk/story/1721880/1-sikh-rights-activist-gunned-peshawar/

Pakistan's emboldened judiciary poses headache for ruling party ahead of polls

Asif Shahzad

Visibly annoyed, Pakistan’s Chief Justice Saqib Nisar picks up a dirty steel bowl, displays it to a barrage of TV cameras, slams it against a rack, and shouts: “You serve food in it?”

The outburst was captured during a recent visit to inspect patients and their living conditions at a hospital psychiatric ward in the northwestern city of Peshawar - one of a series of trips around the country in what Nisar has termed a crusade against corruption and bad governance.

With TV channels following his every move and lapping up his verbal barbs, Nisar has become a thorn in the side of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and its founder Nawaz Sharif, whose third stint as prime minister was cut short in July when the Supreme Court disqualified him over a small undeclared source of income. Sharif and his family now face corruption charges that could see the veteran leader jailed, and there is a growing concern within PML-N ranks that the judiciary could dent the party’s electoral prospects in a general election on July 25.

“The present scenario, the way the judiciary is interfering in the executive’s work ... the governments can’t work like this,” said outgoing Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, speaking at a news conference on Monday after the election was called at the weekend.

“SUO MOTO”

Nisar has used Pakistan’s so-called “suo moto” provision - which allows him to take up cases on his own initiative - to launch inquiries ranging from the payment of sugar cane farmers by mills and increases in milk prices to allegations of corruption in the running of the country’s railways and national airline.

He says such cases, and his frequent public appearances to inspect development projects and public facilities such as schools and hospitals - rare for a sitting chief justice - are aimed at protecting the poor. “We have to fight for those people who unfortunately don’t have means to get their rights,” Nisar said, addressing lawyers early this year. Nisar is not the first activist chief justice. Indeed, his high media profile has drawn parallels with Iftikhar Chaudhry, who initially won plaudits for helping oust military dictator Pervez Musharraf in 2008, but was later criticized for overstepping his constitutional remit.

PML-N insiders and some analysts say Nisar’s assertiveness smacks of judicial overreach and hints at a return to Pakistan’s past, when they say the judiciary cut politicians down to size at the behest of the powerful military, which has ruled Pakistan for nearly half its history since independence in 1947.

PML-N insiders accuse shadowy military networks of working with the judiciary to weaken the party in the run-up to the election. Some analysts say the judges would be unable to take such an aggressive stance against the civilian government without at least tacit support from the generals. “With their specific targeting of PML-N, this would undermine fair play in election, and squeeze Nawaz Sharif,” Ayesha Siddiqa, an author and political analyst, told Reuters.

“The judicial decisions are a strong signal as to where the powerful establishment will lay their eggs this time.” The military did not reply to requests for a comment. The army has previously said it does not interfere in politics. Nisar’s office did not respond to requests for comment.

GOVERNMENT CRITIC

Nisar has previously denied being a military stooge and has shown no signs of pulling punches ahead of the general election, serving contempt of court notices to senior PML-N figures who have criticized the judiciary.

While he has also taken on the opposition, his principal target has been the PML-N and Sharif himself.

During several visits in recent months to the province of Punjab, Sharif’s longtime electoral heartland, Nisar has been demanding the provincial government - run by Sharif’s brother Shehbaz - improve public sector institutions. In April, he inspected a new train project that the PML-N wants to showcase before the polls, which he threatened to shut down in January if the government didn’t prioritize education and health.

“Punjab government did nothing in the last 10 years,” Nisar said from the bench in March.

He also removed PML-N Information Minister Maryam Aurangzeb, who has been critical of the judiciary, from a parliamentary committee that regulates the media. “The committee can’t be independent as long as she is a member,” he said.

“DE FACTO PM”

Nisar’s actions have delighted the opposition.

“We’re happy that Supreme Court is upholding the supremacy of law in this country,” Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party leader Imran Khan told reporters after the court barred Sharif from holding party office for life in April.

But many within the legal profession are unnerved.

“A considerable number of lawyers, including myself, don’t see this activism as a positive step,” said Ali Ahmad Kurd, former president of the Supreme Court Bar Association.

Sharif, whose second stint as prime minister was ended by a military coup in 1999, has labeled his dismissal and the corruption charges against him as a “fraud” and a witch hunt.

Last month, he said he had “grave doubts” about whether the upcoming election would be “fair and free”.

The top court followed up Sharif’s July disqualification by removing him as PML-N party leader in February, and lately banned him for life from holding any public office. Last month the Islamabad High Court also disqualified from parliament Foreign Minister Khawaja Asif, one of Sharif’s closest allies.

In recent weeks, Pakistani TV channels have been muting the sound on Sharif when he talks about the judiciary and military, prompting him to complain of creeping censorship.

But Nisar has not been immune to criticism. The top judge’s growing profile has raised eyebrows, and drew ridicule after a news clip of his presidential-style motorcade, showing at least 34 vehicles, went viral.

Journalist Omar R. Quraishi shared on Twitter another video clip of Nisar flanked by several police and paramilitary commandos.

“That’s more security than for the Prime Minister or President,” tweeted Quraishi. “Oh wait... we are looking at the de facto PM.”

#Pakistan -ECP allots sword symbol to #PPP for 2018 polls

The Election Commission of Pakistan has allotted the sword symbol to Pakistan People’s Party for the 2018 general elections.

The election commission heard the case regarding the allotment of sword symbol for the next elections.

PPP lawyer Nayyar Hussain Bukhari, in his arguments, said that the party came into being in 1967 and they contested the 1970 elections on the sword symbol.

He said that sword was removed as an election symbol during the 1977 election and it was not mentioned in ECP’s list in 1985.

Estranged PPP leaders Safdar Abbasi and Naheed Khan had also filed applications for the allotment of sword symbol for the next election.

Abbasi said that PPP has contested four elections on the arrow symbol since 1988.

He said that Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Peoples Party – Parliamentarians are the same party.

Safdar Abbasi told the PPP counsel that he should submit an affidavit which states that the party will contest elections on the sword symbol. To this the PPP lawyer asked who was Safdar Abbasi to demand these documents.

The estranged PPP leader said that he wanted to settle the issue, adding that a similar petition has been filed by his wife in the Supreme Court.

ECP reserved its judgment after hearing the arguments of all three parties and later allocated the symbol to PPP.

https://www.samaa.tv/pakistan/2018/05/ecp-allots-sword-symbol-to-ppp-for-2018-polls/

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#MemorialDay2018 — let's remember those who died as a result of VA's lack of accountability

Every Memorial Day, our news and social media channels are filled with images of heroic veterans, reminding us that “all gave some, but some gave all.” Typically, when we are honoring those who died in service to our country, we conjure up images of soldiers who died nobly on the battlefield, taking their last breath while shots blaze and bombs go off all-around them.

However, this Memorial Day, we must commit to honoring those who died for their country, albeit in a much less glamorous and unnecessary way — those who died as a result of the Department of Veterans Affairs’ lack of accountability.

By now, the VA’s woes since the patient wait-time scandal of 2014 first broke have been well-documented, including the fact that as many as hundreds of thousands of veterans have died as a result of inability to access VA care. From the current drama over the appointment of a new Secretary to Congress’s cold feet on choice and caregiver expansion legislation (the latter of which looks like it will soon be remedied), veterans issues have enjoyed, albeit somewhat reluctantly, a top spot in the Trump administration’s list of priorities.

Of the topics dominating the focus on veterans’ issues, first and foremost is choice, or the ability to pick a healthcare provider in your community or at the VA, rather than being forced to see one or the other as dictated by VA bureaucrats. What is talked about less and less, unfortunately, is the accountability component.

In the same way that the military commits to leaving no man behind, those that are committed to VA reform must not leave accountability behind. The accountability component is important, because, without it, we are forced to remember a large number of veterans on Memorial Day rather than celebrate with them on Veterans Day.

In 2014, issues surrounding VA choice and accountability went hand in hand. Indeed, the first legislation passed in response to the wait-time scandal was entitled “Veterans Access, Choice, and Accountability Act.”

To their credit, the Trump administration attempted to tackle the accountability issue head on by creating the VA Office of Accountability and Whistleblower Protection. However, like many good ideas trusted to the VA for implementation, according to numerous whistleblowers, the VAOWP quickly became a tool used to further whistleblower retaliation, rather than to remedy it.

For example, take a look at the case of Dr. Dale Klein, the first VA whistleblower to have his case handled by the new VAOWP. Rather than providing a triumphant example of years of bureaucratic injustice being corrected and how veterans’ lives were saved by addressing his concerns, Klein’s case demonstrated just the opposite. He was unceremoniously fired for “failure to follow orders” — even though his orders included treating veterans in an unsanitary workspace and overprescribing prescription pain medicine.

Upon his arrival at the Poplar Bluffs VA Medical Center in Missouri, Klein raised these issues to the VA Office of the Inspector General, most notably his concerns about opioid prescriptions, which were subsequently substantiated in a June 2017 OIG report. Instead of fixing the problems and protecting Klein through the VAOWP, the VA fired him.

According to Dr. Klein, “OAWP's ostensible purpose is to hold management accountable for retaliating against whistleblowers.  Unfortunately, administrators were not held accountable in my case, which has emboldened them to retaliate.”

And, Dr. Klein’s situation is not unique. According to Tom Devine, legal director of the nonprofit Government Accountability Project, “the VA is by far the most repressive federal agency in the government. Depending on the year, between a third and 40 percent of whistleblower retaliation complaints for the whole government comes from this one agency.”

In other words, accountability at the VA is lacking much more than it is in the rest of the federal government.

Furthering this point, a new report from Whistleblowers of America, an organization that assists whistleblowers who have suffered from retaliation after having identified harm to individuals or the public, found that most whistleblowers find that the VAOWP has failed them. According to one whistleblower who contributed to the report, “Whistleblowers would be better off if OAWP did not exist because it gives whistleblowers a false sense of security where none exists. And obviously, it wastes taxpayers’ money because OAWP is ineffective.”

There is a saying that illusions never change into something real. Currently, many politicians take pleasure in finding VA accountability to be an issue they no longer need to deal with, due to the creation of the VAOWP. However, due to larger systemic issues within the VA, this is just an illusion; and real accountability is still lacking.

Despite this criticism, Devine acknowledges that the OAWP “has made a good-faith effort to try to help whistleblowers,” but add that’s that “the national VA office just doesn't have the power to effectively police the local branches.”

Thankfully, to this end, the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee hinted at a recent hearing that they were looking into such structural changes that may result in greater accountability, to include an overhaul of VA’s VISN structure.

“The VISNs are due for an overhaul,” said committee chairman Rep. Phil Roe, R-Tenn. “They should be the fail-safe mechanism when a medical center goes off course. Unfortunately, too many of them seem to be afflicted with a case of learned bureaucratic helplessness.”

As we acknowledge this Memorial Day that there is no more noble pursuit than risking your life for your country, let’s remember that risking one’s life shouldn’t carry over to one’s dealings with the VA after service.

http://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/389283-memorial-day-2018-lets-remember-those-who-died-as-a-result-of-vas-lack-of