Saturday, November 11, 2017
Balochistan; Who Cares?
The violence that has engulfed Balochistan is a two head hydra; justification for violence is grounded in truncated religious indoctrination and exploiting the feeling of marginalisation that prevails among the people. While the tactics of both kinds of militancy are different, ordinary people of the province bear the costs.
In the latest suicide attack, in Quetta’s high-security zone, DIG along with two policemen succumbed to the injuries. Though no militant group has claimed responsibility for the attack so far, the nature of suicide attack shows that an armed religious organisation carried it. The weak law and order situation in the province raises many questions in one’s mind; will we ever see a peaceful and stable Balochistan in our lifetime? Will the state ever accept its failures in Balochistan rather than blaming other countries for the unrest in the province?
Whatever happens there remains there. The unrest has hardly disturbed the iota of consciousness of the rest of the country’s population. The ongoing conflict is a result of extensive problems that the region is facing. These issues need remedies of different nature. Reliance on military operations for solving the unrest has only exacerbated the worsening of law and order situation in the region.
The military operation that is going in the province since 2006 without allowing any political solution is the reason the state has failed to counter militancy in the area. Even the argument that external forces are behind the chaos in the area is a reflection of state’s failures.
In the present situation, the least the state can do is to bring the nationalists, who are fighting against the country, to a dialogue-table. Unfortunately, the state has failed in feeling the mood of the people of the province. The harsh reality is that a majority of the Baloch population has lost faith in government's seriousness to restore the peace of the region. The murky security situation in the province demands a radical solution.
It is time tested that military operations on their own cannot generate the desired results of ensuring law and order situation. It has almost achieved the status of a cliché to suggest that fighting militancy through force is only one dimension of finding peace. Political dialogue is the other side of the solution. Both combined can extinguish the flames of insurgency that has paralysed the province. Sole reliance on brute force cannot guarantee an enduring normalcy to the bleeding Balochistan.
Pakistan - Troubled Balochistan
There seems to be no respite in sight for Quetta as the city continues to witness terrorist attacks despite claims by the security forces and law enforcers that the terrorists are ‘on the run’.
Police officials appear to be the prime targets of terrorists in the province for the last few months. In July, SP Mubarak Ali Shah was shot dead by unknown assailants.
The provincial government should have taken preventive measures and increased security for high profile police officials especially those believed to be on the hit list of terrorists. A lack of action on the part of the provincial government has been termed by analysts as one of the reasons for consistent attacks in Quetta.
The lack of coordination among the various forces responsible for law enforcement, security and intelligence gathering is also a cause for concern. Balochistan remains the most highly militarised province and yet a variety of militant groups continue to operate there. Though no particular group has yet claimed responsibility for Thursday’s attack, the list of the suspects features the usual suspects: ethnic or sectarian militants.
It is of crucial importance that the authorities recognise the fundamental difference between these two types of militants active in the province. To fight sectarian militants, we need to implement the National Action Plan in its letter and spirit.
But the ethnic militants cannot be dealt with force. Theirs is a political battle that has to do with the imbalance of powers between the centre and provinces. These concerns can, and must, be resolved through negotiations. In this regard, a recent announcement by exiled Baloch leaders of a meeting in Geneva to devise a strategy for peaceful struggle must be observed carefully. So far, the authorities have dismissed the meeting on grounds that sardars have lost public support in the province to middle class leaders like Allah Nazar. Be that as it may, the point to bear in mind is that the province has been at the receiving end of violence all along this country’s history.
The conflict has resulted in loss of countless lives and caused misery and hardship for many others. The authorities, ethnic militants and the rest of us carry this burden of history on our shoulders. We can end this conflict by recognising and addressing legitimate grievances and agreeing to a viable and equitable federal framework, or, like those before us, we can pass on the burden to those who will soon take our places. Our choices today will determine how history judges us tomorrow.
Growing Pakistan-Bangladesh schism
By Moonis Ahmar
Forty-six years after the disintegration of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh, historical facts continue to be a source of discord between the two countries.
Apart from Afghanistan and India, Bangladesh is another country in South Asia whose relations with Pakistan are not friendly and normal. Recent schism in Pakistan-Bangladesh relations occurred when on October 31 Pakistan High Commissioner Rafiuzzaman Siddiqui was summoned in Bangladesh Foreign Ministry and handed over a strong protest note in which Dhaka demanded that Islamabad tender a formal apology over sharing a video post on the High Commission face book in which it was claimed that Ziaur Rehman and not Mujibur Rehman had declared the independence of Bangladesh. The controversial video also claimed that Mujibur Rehman only wanted autonomy and not independence from Pakistan.
The handing of a protest note to the Pakistan Higher Commissioner in Dhaka was counterproductive because on November 2, the Bangladeshi Higher Commissioner in Islamabad Tariq Ahsan was summoned by Director General South Asia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs in which it was made it clear to him that Islamabad will not tender an apology as demanded by Bangladesh and that Pakistan High Commission in Dhaka had not uploaded controversial video on its face book. Islamabad also strongly protested over undiplomatic language used in the protest note handed over by the Bangladeshi Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the Pakistan High Commissioner.
Reportedly, the protest note by Bangladesh stated that, “nothing can be farthest from the truth than claiming that the architect of independent Bangladesh and Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did not want Bangladesh’s independence or that Bangladesh’s independence was declared by anybody other than the Great Leader himself.” Bangladesh Foreign Secretary also stated that, “such breach of diplomatic norms and practices and deliberate propaganda to spread shameless lies shall not only jeopardise bilateral relations, but would render a great disservice to succeeding generations of historians, intelligentsia as well as common people who champion the cause of truth and justice.”
Forty six years after the disintegration of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh, historical facts continue to be a source of discord between the two countries. Historical controversies like whether independence was declared by Sheikh Mujib or by Ziaur Rehman or Sheikh Mujib wanted autonomy or independence can only be properly addressed and resolved not by allegations and counter allegations by the two countries but by a joint historical commission, composed of reputed historians of the two countries to unveil the truth which Bangladesh alleged was distorted in the controversial video reportedly posted on the face book Pakistan Affairs. Truth about the atrocities allegedly committed by the Pakistan armed forces during the military operation in the then East Pakistan from March-December 1971 and the killings of non-Bengalese by the Mukti Bahini can also be jointly investigated by the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission composed of the jurists, historians and eminent persons of the two countries so as to set the record straight.
The people of East Pakistan, who were in the forefront of Pakistan Movement since its inception, never wanted independence, but it was forced on them by the discriminatory and exploitive policies of the West Pakistani elites who happened to dominate in the country’s power structure
Growing schism between Pakistan and Bangladesh needs to be analysed by taking into account three major perceptions. First, the people of East Pakistan, who were in the forefront of Pakistan Movement since its inception, never wanted independence, but it was forced on them by the discriminatory and exploitive policies of the West Pakistani elites which happen to dominate in the country’s power structure.
The unilateral postponement of inaugural session of National Assembly, which was scheduled in Dhaka on March 3, 1971, triggered the outbreak of violence in the then East Pakistan. Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, which had a majority by securing 162 seats in a house of 300 called the postponement of National Assembly session conspiracy hatched by the then military generals in connivance with minority Pakistan People’s Party leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto to deny power to the majority. G W Choudhry, a member of President Yahya Khan’s cabinet and a constitutional expert has written his book, The Last Days of United Pakistan that he tried his best to pursue Yahya not to postpone session of national assembly or if it was necessary in view of Bhutto’s boycott another date should be announced of the holding of assembly session.
His advice was not accepted by Yahya and the assembly session was postponed which led to the launching of civil disobedience movement by Awami League. The launching of “operation search light” to crush Awami League on March 25, 1971 culminated into the disintegration of Pakistan and the emergence of Bangladesh. Therefore, the perception that had the inaugural session of National Assembly been taken place in Dhaka, Pakistan may have been saved as the government had allowed Awami League to contest December 1970 elections under its six points. If six points were not seditious under the Legal Framework Order (LFO) why power was not transferred to Awami League?
Second, once Sheikh Mujib was released from prison and sent to London in January 1972 by the government of President Z A Bhutto, he claimed that since long he was striving for an independent state of Bangladesh. Therefore, if he wanted autonomy under the framework of united Pakistan why he consistently took the position after being released by Bhutto that his struggle was for Bangladesh? The argument given by Mujib to totally rule out any association with West Pakistan was based on his premise that since he was imprisoned by the military regime of Yahya Khan since March 26, 1971 in a solitary confinement in West Pakistani jails he had no idea what was going on in East Pakistan and the reports narrated to him about the atrocities carried out by Pakistan military during nine month long military operation against the Bengali population were enough to justify his total and final break from Pakistan.
Third, the perception which is forcefully projected by the Awami League regime of Sheikh Hasina that from time to time Pakistan is engaged in acts denying the existence of Bangladesh. For instance, in a seminar which was held on November 27, 2000 at the Bangladesh Institute of Strategic and International Studies (BIISS) Dhaka, Pakistan’s Deputy Higher Commissioner Irfanur Rehman Raja reportedly questioned the liberation movement of Bangladesh by stating that it was provoked by miscreants. Bangladesh immediately protested over his remarks and called for his immediate expulsion. Early December 2000, Pakistan recalled its diplomat from Dhaka and regretted the controversy which was unleashed as result of remarks made by Pakistani diplomat.
The Bangladesh Foreign Ministry while handing over protest note to the Pakistan High Commissioner in Dhaka on the face book controversy also maintained that, “the government deeply regrets that notwithstanding Bangladesh’s repeated overtures the malicious campaign by Pakistan and its various agencies against Bangladesh has not come to a halt.” Unfortunately, schism in Pakistan-Bangladesh relations seems to be existential in nature as both sides have failed to reconcile to the truth that historical injustices committed from either side should not be denied. That regardless of what had happened in 1971, vast majority of the people of Bangladesh still possess enormous goodwill for Pakistan. Yet Islamabad needs to avoid acts which question the existence of Bangladesh or the liberation struggle which is an integral part of their country’s history. Was it justified on the part of Pakistan to officially protest over the hanging of Bangladeshi citizens since 2013 on their acts during the military operation from March-December 1971? Since then, relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh have soured as Dhaka has been blaming Islamabad of interfering in its internal affairs.
EXTREMISM AND EDUCATION : PAKISTAN’S EDUCATION SYSTEM CATERS TO EXTREMISM RATHER THAN DEMOLISHING IT
One often hears the argument that Pakistan needs educational facilities more than the infrastructural projects so dear to the country’s rulers, who see good future only in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). It is shocking that this refrain is nowadays opposed by the “rebellious” slogan that extremism arises from Pakistan’s system of education. This is the conclusion some analysts have arrived at after the highly educated killers of Ansarul Sharia were recently dispatched by security agencies in Karachi. Whoever recommends education instead of infrastructure will not hear of looking closely at what kind of education is imparted in Pakistan. Sadly, a few educationists who question it walk in fear of being killed.
The telltale signs have been appearing over decades but no one has cared to think soberly about the extremism lurking in our education: from nuclear scientist Dr. Sultan Bashiruddin Mehmood who boasted he could create electricity from a jinn that he would tame with divine power, to Dr. Abdullah Hashmi of Ansarul Sharia who was killed in the Karachi police encounter. The tragic truth is that, under democracy, they found resonance with the ideology of Pakistan and the curricula of the institutions that pretend to impart education under misinterpreted doctrines. The universities are no longer seats of learning that depend on the spirit of skepticism and inquiry. Individualism in thinking is punished through violence by fellow-students steeped in collective brainwash, as happened in the case of Mashal Khan in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
Pakistan had to restrain student unions in educational institutions but couldn’t suppress the rise of radical and violent “student wings” of the religious parties. This was a bargain between the parties who couldn’t win elections and those who did; but over time Islamism has conquered the institutions and produced graduate and postgraduate students who wish to destroy the “pagan” pursuit of democracy by the state. Ironically, it is democracy without the essential bond of tolerance that spawns violence and renders the state unstable. Dictatorial and totalitarian states like Saudi Arabia and Iran can tackle the “educated terrorist” more effectively while Muslims living under democracy fail to grasp the importance of self-doubt and non-judgmental tolerance as a condition of life.
http://newsweekpakistan.com/extremism-and-education/
PPP will not allow any rigging in the next general elections: Asif Ali Zardari
“I was not allowed outside Presidential Palace, Bilawal himself was studying and Yousaf Raza Gillani’s son was abducted just days before the election. Our entire party leadership was prevented from election campaign through terrorism,” he said.
“However, times have changed; all of us will be present in the political battlefield, especially Bilawal Bhutto and Asifa Bhutto, and I will personally head the campaign,” he added.
A FAFEN delegate met former president and presented a report regarding voter registration and election procedure
He further stated that Nawaz Sharif has always stolen the mandate through election rigging since it’s nearly impossible to attain two-thirds majority each time.
Commenting on the FAFEN report, he said that it is unacceptable that 10.2 women voters are not registered nationwide while a staggering 30 per cent voter from Balochistan is also not registered.
Expressing grave concern over the missing women voters from the voters’ list, he called upon the government and all relevant state institutions to address the issue in right earnest for the credibility of the 2018 polls.
On the occasion, the four-member FAFEN team comprising Shahid Fayyaz, Mudassir Rizvi, Yasir Javed and Javed Minwa gave the briefing.
The meeting was informed that the Election Commission had also stated recently that over 13 million women were not in the voters’ lists and not eligible to vote in the elections.
Zardari said that the voters’ registration issue was important for empowering women by enabling them to participate in the political decision-making processes.
He said that Sindh Chief Minister Murad Ali Shah will also raise the election and delimitation related issues at the meeting of the Council of Common Interests (CCI) on Monday and present its point of view forcefully.
The former president also demanded to know the figures of above 18-year-olds in the country—both males and females—to make a fair assessment as to how many citizens were still not registered voters. The issue of under-registration must also be addressed speedily, the former president demanded.
He also called upon party office bearers to keep a watch on the progress made in this regard and to keep him posted regularly.
The PPP leaders who attended the briefing included Nayyer Hussain Bokhari, Farhatullah Babar, Chaudhry Manzoor and Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar.
http://www.thesindhtimes.com/pak/ppp-will-not-allow-rigging-next-general-elections-asif-ali-zardari/