It was open insurrection, a rebellion of a sort seldom seen in the 30-year history of the Islamic Republic, an eruption of pent-up rage against the repressive Government of President Ahmadinejad.
“Death to the Government,” chanted the several thousand Iranians packed into a football stadium in Tehran. “Death to dictators,” roared the young men and women, draped in green shirts, ribbons, bandanas and headscarves to signal their support for Mir Hossein Mousavi. “Bye-bye Ahmadi,” they sang as they waved a sea of banners for the man who hopes to topple Mr Ahmadinejad in the presidential election on Friday. “Don’t rig the election,” they added for good measure.
Women have suffered particularly badly under Mr Ahmadinejad, and twentysomethings sporting sunglasses, make-up and dyed hair beneath their mandatory headscarves shouted themselves hoarse as speaker after speaker promised an end to repression, despair and the “empire of lies”.
“I feel danger every second I’m on the street because of the morality police,” an arts student called Nina said. As she was speaking another young woman way back in the mêlée scribbled a note and passed it forward. “We need freedom. We want big change. We don’t want liar government,” it declared.
Men and women scaled the floodlight pylons for a better view. Hundreds more crammed on to a nearby overpass. Astonishingly there was not a policeman or basij (Islamic vigilante) in sight, further evidence of how the regime seems to have relaxed — or lost — its grip in the final days of an election far more competitive than anyone had expected.
The biggest roar of the afternoon was reserved for the main speaker, Zahra Rahnavard, Mr Mousavi’s wife. “You’re here because you don’t want any more dictatorship,” she declared. “You’re here because you hate fanaticism, because you dream of a free Iran, because you dream of a peaceful relationship with the rest of the world.” The candidate himself was nowhere to be seen, but that hardly mattered because the crowd was inspired by a hatred of Mr Ahmadinejad rather than a love for Mr Mousavi.
To anyone arriving in Tehran this week it would be easy to assume that Mr Mousavi was an Iranian Barack Obama. The capital appears convulsed by Mousavimania. It is festooned with posters of his bearded face. Fanatical supporters career around the city in their cars, honking their horns and shouting slogans.
In truth Mr Mousavi, 67, bears more resemblance to Bob Dole, who failed to unseat Bill Clinton in 1996. The bespectacled former Prime Minister lacks charisma, is an uninspiring public speaker and was trounced by Mr Ahmadinejad in their televised debate last week. Aides said that he was resting before another television appearance, which was perhaps a mercy because his wife — like Elizabeth Dole — is a more compelling performer.
Most of the crowd yesterday were too young to remember Mr Mousavi in his previous incarnation as Prime Minister from 1981 to 1989, and that may be a good thing too. He steered his country’s economy through the Iran-Iraq War but was a zealous revolutionary who brooked little dissent and has been accused of being behind the massacre of political prisoners.
He retired from politics for 20 years and devoted himself to art and architecture — he designed several prominent buildings in Tehran and his paintings sell for substantial sums. He says that he wants to save Iran from the “danger” of Mr Ahmadinejad, but he is hardly a reformist.
His candidacy had to be approved by the Guardian Council, a body of senior clerics not known for its liberalism. He is seeking to appeal to disaffected conservatives as well as moderates. His platform is one of managerial competence and stability. He wants better relations with the world but would not suspend Iran’s nuclear programme. He promises greater equality for women but has no plans to challenge the political system.
Mr Mousavi’s campaign has skilfully employed the internet and text messaging to circumvent the statecontrolled media, but it is almost certainly financed by Hojatoleslam Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former President regarded by many as the embodiment of the corrupt Establishment.
It is a measure of how much Iran’s urban middle class loathes Mr Ahmadinejad that they have thrown their weight behind Mr Mousavi’s imperfect candidacy, and that so many liberals who would normally refuse to vote lest they legitimise the regime are prepared to do so this time.
“I didn’t know anything about Mousavi until a few days ago, but I’d vote for anyone to get Ahmadinejad out,” one English-speaking Iranian woman admitted last night.
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